AQA A-Level Sociology: Stratification and Differentiation, and Theory and Methods Revision Guide

Stratification and Differentiation, and Theory and Methods are two of the most intellectually demanding topics in AQA A-Level Sociology. They appear together on Paper 3 alongside Crime and Deviance, and they require a level of theoretical sophistication that goes well beyond GCSE. Stratification asks why inequality exists, how it is maintained, and whether it is changing. Theory and Methods asks fundamental questions about what sociology is, how it should be done, and whether it can ever be truly objective.

These two topics are deeply interconnected. The theories you study in Theory and Methods -- functionalism, Marxism, feminism, Weberian sociology, interactionism, postmodernism -- are the same lenses you use to explain stratification. Master them, and you can deploy them across both topics to earn the synoptic marks that Paper 3 rewards.

Part One: Stratification and Differentiation

Dimensions of Inequality

Social stratification refers to the structured, patterned hierarchy of inequality in society. The AQA specification requires you to understand four main dimensions: class, gender, ethnicity, and age. These frequently intersect -- a working-class Black woman may face disadvantage along multiple axes simultaneously, connecting to the concept of intersectionality.

Social class remains the most studied dimension of inequality in British sociology. Defining class is itself contested -- the registrar general's scale classified people by occupation into six categories, the NS-SEC uses eight categories based on employment relations, and the Great British Class Survey (Savage et al., 2013) identified seven classes drawing on Bourdieu's concept of economic, cultural, and social capital. The evidence for class-based inequality is overwhelming: people in lower social classes have lower life expectancy, higher rates of chronic illness, lower educational attainment, and greater risk of poverty. The Marmot Review (2010, updated 2020) demonstrated a clear social gradient in health -- the lower your social position, the worse your health outcomes, even after controlling for lifestyle factors. Meanwhile, the traditional working class has shrunk as heavy industry declined, the middle class has expanded through the growth of the service sector and higher education, and Standing (2011) identifies a new "precariat" defined by insecurity in the gig economy.

Gender inequality has narrowed but persists. The UK gender pay gap remains around 14% for full-time median hourly earnings, driven by occupational segregation, the motherhood penalty, and unequal domestic labour. Feminist sociologists highlight the glass ceiling preventing women from reaching top positions, and Walby (1990) identified six structures of patriarchy -- though critics argue her model insufficiently accounts for differences between women of different classes and ethnicities.

Ethnicity patterns of inequality vary significantly between groups. British Bangladeshi and Pakistani groups face the greatest economic disadvantage, while British Indian and Chinese groups have earnings comparable to or exceeding the white British average. The Macpherson Report (1999) defined institutional racism and its concept has been applied across education, health, and the labour market.

Age shapes inequality at both ends. Youth disadvantage includes higher unemployment, lower wages, student debt, and housing unaffordability. Old age disadvantage includes lower income and social isolation, though pensioner poverty has fallen and the "baby boomer" generation benefited from free education and affordable housing no longer available to younger cohorts.

Theories of Stratification

Functionalist theory: Davis and Moore (1945) argued that stratification is both inevitable and beneficial -- every society needs a mechanism to ensure that the most talented individuals fill the most functionally important roles, and unequal rewards provide the incentive. Tumin (1953) criticised this as circular reasoning: it defines important roles as those that are highly rewarded, then cites high rewards as evidence of importance. The theory also ignores inherited wealth and privilege, and assumes a meritocratic society that empirical evidence on social mobility does not support.

Marxist theory: Marx rooted stratification in the relationship between classes and the means of production. The bourgeoisie exploit the proletariat, and ruling-class ideology -- transmitted through religion, education, and the media -- legitimises inequality. Gramsci refined this with the concept of hegemony, and Althusser distinguished between Repressive and Ideological State Apparatuses. Critics argue that the two-class model is too simplistic for modern societies with a large middle class, and that the predicted revolution has not materialised.

Weberian theory: Weber agreed that class matters but argued stratification is multidimensional -- encompassing class (market position), status (social prestige), and party (political power). This explains why groups with similar class positions can have very different experiences, and why inequality based on ethnicity or gender does not reduce straightforwardly to class. Marxists counter that this model obscures the fundamental importance of economic exploitation.

Feminist theories: Liberal feminists focus on legal barriers to equality. Marxist feminists (e.g., Benston) argue women's unpaid labour serves capitalism. Radical feminists (e.g., Firestone, Millett) identify patriarchy as the primary form of inequality, independent of class. Intersectional feminists (e.g., Crenshaw) criticise earlier approaches for generalising from white, middle-class women's experience.

Social Mobility

Social mobility can be intragenerational or intergenerational, upward or downward. The Oxford Mobility Study (Goldthorpe, 1980) found that while absolute mobility had increased as the class structure expanded at the top, relative mobility remained largely unchanged -- working-class children's chances of reaching professional roles, relative to middle-class children, had barely improved. The Social Mobility Commission confirms Britain still has low relative social mobility, with barriers including unequal education access, social and cultural capital (Bourdieu), and the geographical concentration of opportunity.

Poverty and the Underclass

You need to distinguish absolute poverty (lacking basic necessities) from relative poverty (below 60% of median income). Charles Murray argued from a New Right perspective that the welfare state creates an underclass characterised by dependency and irresponsibility. Critics counter that Murray blames victims of structural inequality -- unemployment reflects deindustrialisation, not cultural dysfunction. Townsend (1979) demonstrated poverty is socially constructed, defined by the ability to participate in customary social activities. Marxists see poverty as an inevitable feature of capitalism, requiring a pool of low-paid workers to suppress wages.

Globalisation and Inequality

Global poverty has declined -- extreme poverty fell from around 38% in 1990 to under 10% -- but progress is uneven, and within many developed countries inequality has widened since the 1980s. Piketty (2014) argued this reflects capitalism's structural tendency to concentrate wealth when returns on capital exceed economic growth. Dependency theorists (e.g., Frank) argue developing-country poverty results from exploitation through colonialism and unequal trade. Wallerstein's world systems theory divides the global economy into core, semi-periphery, and periphery. Modernisation theorists (e.g., Rostow) counter that all societies can develop by following Western industrialisation.

Part Two: Theory and Methods

Consensus, Conflict, Structural, and Social Action Theories

Functionalism is a consensus theory: society is a system of interdependent parts maintaining order and stability. Durkheim argued institutions exist because they perform essential functions. Parsons identified four functional prerequisites -- adaptation, goal attainment, integration, and latency. Critics charge functionalism with conservatism, an inability to explain dysfunction, and neglect of individual agency.

Marxism is a conflict theory: society is characterised by class conflict, with the economic base shaping the superstructure. Neo-Marxists -- Gramsci (hegemony), Althusser (state apparatuses), the Frankfurt School (the culture industry) -- offer more nuanced accounts than classical economic determinism. Critics highlight the failure of predicted revolutions and the underestimation of non-class inequalities.

The structure-agency debate is fundamental. Structural approaches (functionalism, Marxism) see individuals as shaped by institutions and systems -- Durkheim's study of suicide is the classic case. Social action approaches (interactionism, phenomenology, ethnomethodology) emphasise how individuals create meaning through interaction. Weber's concept of verstehen, Mead and Blumer's symbolic interactionism, and Becker's labelling theory all demonstrate how social reality is actively constructed. Giddens' structuration theory attempts to resolve the debate by arguing structure and agency are mutually constitutive. Structural approaches risk determinism; social action approaches risk ignoring wider constraints.

Modernity and Postmodernity

Modernity -- from the Enlightenment onwards -- is characterised by industrialisation, rational-scientific thinking, and belief in progress. Classic sociological theories are products of modernity, assuming objective truths can be discovered. Postmodernity (Lyotard, Baudrillard) rejects these "grand narratives," arguing that identities are fluid, consumption replaces production as the basis of identity, and no perspective can claim to offer the truth. Late modernity (Giddens, Beck) offers an alternative: rather than a complete break, we live in high modernity with intensified globalisation, increased reflexivity, and new forms of risk. Postmodernism is criticised as internally contradictory (claiming no theory is true while presenting this as truth) and politically disabling -- Marxists and feminists argue that inequality and patriarchy remain real structural features.

Sociology as a Science

Positivism (Comte, Durkheim) argues sociology should model itself on the natural sciences. Social facts exist independently of individuals and can be studied objectively using quantitative methods -- surveys, official statistics, experiments. The aim is to discover laws of social behaviour and produce reliable, generalisable, value-free knowledge. Interpretivism (Weber, the interactionists) counters that humans have consciousness and attach meanings to actions, making them fundamentally different from the objects studied by natural science. Sociology must understand meanings, requiring qualitative methods that access subjective experience.

Popper argued science proceeds through falsification -- theories must make predictions that can, in principle, be shown to be false. By this criterion, Marxism is not scientific because any evidence can be reinterpreted to fit the theory. Kuhn challenged Popper by arguing that science progresses through paradigm shifts rather than gradual falsification, raising the question of whether sociology, which has never had a single dominant paradigm, can be considered a science at all. Realism (Bhaskar, Sayer) offers a middle path: both natural and social worlds contain real underlying structures and mechanisms that are not directly observable, and sociology can be scientific without adopting positivist methods.

Objectivity and Values

Positivists argue research should be value-free. Weber's more nuanced position distinguishes value relevance (values shape topic choice) from value freedom (research conduct should be objective). Gouldner (1962) argued value-free sociology is a myth -- all research involves choices shaped by the researcher's values, and claiming objectivity is itself a value position that serves the status quo. Feminists argue mainstream sociology has reflected white, middle-class male perspectives, systematically distorting knowledge. Marxists argue supposedly objective sociology naturalises inequality.

The Relationship Between Theory and Methods

Theoretical perspectives shape methodological choices. Positivists favour quantitative methods -- questionnaires, statistics, experiments -- producing reliable, generalisable data (Durkheim's suicide study). Interpretivists favour qualitative methods -- unstructured interviews, participant observation, documents -- producing valid, in-depth data (Willis's "Learning to Labour"). In practice, choice is also shaped by practical constraints (time, cost, access) and ethics (consent, confidentiality, harm). Triangulation -- combining methods to offset each other's weaknesses -- challenges the idea of a rigid link between theory and method.

Exam Strategy for Paper 3

Paper 3 is synoptic, meaning it tests your ability to draw connections across the whole specification.

For Stratification questions: Always consider multiple dimensions of inequality (class, gender, ethnicity, age) and multiple theoretical perspectives. The strongest answers move beyond simple description to evaluate the strengths and limitations of each perspective. Use specific studies and contemporary examples to support your points -- outdated examples without any reference to modern society suggest a limited understanding.

For Theory and Methods questions: Demonstrate that you understand the connections between theoretical positions, methodological preferences, and epistemological assumptions. Do not simply describe theories -- evaluate them against each other and against empirical evidence. Show awareness of the structure-agency debate, the modernity-postmodernity debate, and the science debate as interconnected.

For 30-mark essays: Open with a brief introduction that defines key terms and signals your argument. Develop analytical paragraphs that each make a clear point supported by evidence and evaluation. Close with a reasoned judgement rather than a vague summary. The mark scheme rewards AO3 (analysis and evaluation) as heavily as AO1 (knowledge and understanding), so every paragraph should include evaluative comment.

Related Reading

• AQA A-Level Sociology Revision Guide -- a comprehensive overview of all six core topics, the four main perspectives, and exam technique for Papers 1-3.
• A-Level Revision Strategy: From Mocks to Finals -- a week-by-week revision plan for the period between mocks and finals.
• Spaced Repetition: The Science Behind Effective Revision -- the evidence for why spaced repetition works for retaining the volume of theories and studies A-Level Sociology demands.

Prepare with LearningBro

Stratification and Theory and Methods are topics where structured, active revision makes an enormous difference. Knowing the theories is not enough -- you need to practise applying them to specific questions, evaluating them against each other, and building arguments under timed conditions.

• AQA A-Level Sociology: Stratification and Differentiation -- focused revision covering class, gender, ethnicity, age, social mobility, poverty, globalisation, and all the key theoretical perspectives on inequality.
• AQA A-Level Sociology: Theory and Methods -- structured revision for consensus and conflict theories, structural and social action approaches, the science debate, objectivity and values, and the relationship between theory and methods.

Each course uses targeted practice questions that mirror the AQA exam format, building your knowledge and exam technique at the same time. Try a free lesson preview and see how it works.

Good luck with your revision.