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Functionalism and the New Right are two of the most influential — and most heavily criticised — perspectives on the family in the AQA A-Level Sociology (7192) specification. Both treat the conventional nuclear family (a married heterosexual couple and their children, with a male breadwinner) as the most desirable family form, but they reach that conclusion by very different routes. Functionalism is an academic consensus theory that asks what the family does for society; the New Right is a conservative political ideology that asks what the family ought to be and how policy should defend it. Understanding both, and the feminist, Marxist and postmodern critiques arrayed against them, is essential because almost every 20-mark essay in this topic asks you to weigh consensus optimism about the family against conflict and diversity perspectives.
Key Definition: A consensus theory holds that society rests on shared values (a "value consensus") and that its institutions function to maintain order and integration. Functionalism is the leading consensus theory; it contrasts with conflict theories (Marxism, feminism), which see society as divided by competing interests.
This lesson addresses the AQA A-Level Sociology (7192) Paper 2, Section A — Families and Households content:
You should be able to describe (AO1) Murdock's four functions, Parsons' two irreducible functions and instrumental/expressive roles, and the New Right's underclass thesis; apply (AO2) these to an Item; and evaluate (AO3) them using feminist, Marxist and postmodern critiques and the correlation/causation problem. Both perspectives recur as the "target view" in essays and as material for the 10-mark "analyse two functions/two criticisms" question.
Functionalism sees society as a system of interdependent institutions that work together to meet society's functional prerequisites (basic needs) and maintain stability. The family is one such institution, and functionalists argue it performs vital functions for both individuals and the social system as a whole.
George Peter Murdock (1949), on the basis of his 250-society survey, argued the nuclear family is universal because it performs four essential functions:
| Function | Explanation |
|---|---|
| Sexual | Channels sexuality into socially approved relationships (marriage), limiting the conflict and jealousy that unregulated sexuality might cause |
| Reproductive | Provides a stable setting for producing and raising the next generation |
| Economic | Members cooperate economically — sharing income, food, housing and labour |
| Educational (socialisation) | The primary agent of socialisation, transmitting culture, norms and values to children |
For Murdock these functions are so indispensable that no society has found a workable substitute for the nuclear family.
Talcott Parsons (1955) argued that as society industrialised, the family lost many functions (production, formal education, healthcare, welfare) to specialised institutions — a process he called structural differentiation. In modern industrial society the family is left with two irreducible (essential) functions:
Key Concept — The Warm Bath Theory: the family is a "warm bath" that soaks away the stresses of the outside world. In Parsons' model the expressive wife/mother provides the emotional nurturing that restores the instrumental husband/breadwinner for another day's work.
Within the nuclear family Parsons argued adults adopt complementary roles rooted, he claimed, in biology:
| Role | Performed by | Function |
|---|---|---|
| Instrumental | Husband/father | Breadwinner — earns money, provides materially, links the family to the wider economy |
| Expressive | Wife/mother | Homemaker and carer — provides emotional warmth, nurtures children, stabilises adult personalities |
Parsons treated women's "natural" suitability for the expressive role (via childbearing and nurturing) as functional for family and society alike — a claim that became a central target for feminism.
| Criticism | Source | Detail |
|---|---|---|
| Gender roles are socially constructed, not natural | Ann Oakley (1974) | The instrumental/expressive split is an ideological justification for gender inequality, not biological necessity; cross-cultural evidence shows enormous variation in gender roles |
| Ignores family diversity | Various | Parsons assumes the male-breadwinner nuclear family is the norm, ignoring lone-parent, dual-earner, same-sex and reconstituted families |
| Ignores conflict and inequality | Feminists, Marxists | The "warm bath" idealises family life, ignoring domestic violence, the "stressed bath" of conflict, unequal power and the exploitation of women's domestic labour |
| Functional-fit timeline is wrong | Laslett (1972), Anderson (1971) | The nuclear family pre-dated industrialisation and extended kin grew in some early industrial areas (see the social-structure lesson) |
| Deterministic | Various | Assumes the family passively adapts to economic needs, downplaying cultural values, state policy, feminism and individual agency |
The New Right is a conservative political perspective that gained influence in the 1980s and 1990s, associated with the Thatcher (UK) and Reagan (USA) governments. It is not an academic sociological theory but it borrows functionalist assumptions and has strongly shaped family policy.
Charles Murray is the most influential New Right writer on the family. He argued that:
Key Quote — Murray (1990): "The civilising force for young men is the family... A young man who grows up without a father has no model of what it means to be a responsible adult male."
graph TD
A["Generous welfare benefits"] --> B["Perverse incentives to lone parenthood"]
B --> C["Rise in mother-headed families / absent fathers"]
C --> D["Boys lack a male role model & discipline"]
D --> E["Underclass: crime, worklessness, dependency"]
F["New Right remedy"] --> G["Cut benefits + promote marriage"]
G --> H["Restore conventional nuclear family"]
| Strengths | Limitations |
|---|---|
| Highlights real concerns about child welfare; some research does associate stable two-parent families with better average outcomes | Correlation is not causation: disadvantages in lone-parent families largely reflect poverty, not structure; controlling for income shrinks most differences (cf. McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994) |
| Draws attention to fathers' role in child development | Stigmatises diversity: labelling lone-parent, same-sex and cohabiting families as inferior is ideological, not evidence-based |
| Questions whether welfare always produces good outcomes | Blames the victim: lone mothers are blamed for problems whose structural causes are unemployment, low pay and poor housing |
| Ignores the dark side of the nuclear family: domestic violence and abuse occur within conventional families | |
| Feminists argue it seeks to push women back into a subordinate domestic role, reversing gains in gender equality | |
| Chester (1985): the (neo-conventional) nuclear family remains the norm most people pass through; "decline" is exaggerated. Golombok (2000) found children of same-sex parents are not disadvantaged |
| Feature | Functionalism | New Right |
|---|---|---|
| Nature | Academic sociological theory | Political/ideological perspective |
| View of nuclear family | Performs essential functions for society | The ideal form; morally superior |
| View of diversity | Nuclear family is "functionally fit" for industrial society | Diversity (esp. lone parenthood) is harmful |
| View of gender roles | Instrumental/expressive roles are functionally necessary | Traditional roles are morally desirable |
| View of welfare state | Part of the institutional structure of modern society | Creates dependency; undermines family responsibility |
| Key thinkers | Murdock (1949), Parsons (1955) | Murray (1984, 1990), Dennis & Erdos (1992) |
| Main criticism | Ignores conflict, inequality, diversity | Ideological; blames victims; ignores structural causes |
To evaluate functionalism fully, it helps to locate Murdock and Parsons within the wider functionalist tradition founded by Émile Durkheim. For Durkheim, the central problem of modern society is social order: how do millions of individuals come to cooperate rather than descend into a "war of all against all"? His answer is the value consensus — a shared framework of norms and values into which each generation must be socialised. Parsons builds directly on this: the family's primary socialisation function is the mechanism by which the value consensus is reproduced, while the stabilisation of adult personalities keeps already-socialised adults integrated and functioning. The family is thus, for functionalists, the institution that meets society's functional prerequisite of value-transmission. This theoretical grounding is a genuine strength — it gives functionalism an account of why socialisation matters that the New Right, as a political programme, simply assumes. But it is also the source of the perspective's deepest weakness: by treating shared values as given and beneficial, functionalism cannot ask whose values are being transmitted, a question Marxists (ruling-class ideology) and feminists (patriarchal norms) place at the centre of their analyses.
It is also worth noting the functional-alternative critique. Murdock claimed no society had found a workable substitute for the nuclear family, yet the kibbutz (communal child-rearing) and Gough's Nayar (matrilineal kin-group rearing) demonstrate that the family's functions can be performed by other arrangements. D.H.J. Morgan and others argue this fatally weakens the claim that the nuclear family is functionally indispensable: at most it is one efficient solution among several, which is a far weaker claim than the universality functionalists assert.
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