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If the protest of the later 1960s fractured the American consensus, the years from 1969 to 1980 shattered the confidence on which the American Dream had rested. The presidency of Richard Nixon (1969-74) combined real diplomatic achievement with a systematic assault on democratic norms that culminated in the Watergate scandal and the only presidential resignation in American history. What followed — the caretaker presidency of Gerald Ford, the earnest failure of Jimmy Carter, the grinding economic misery of stagflation, and a pervasive sense of national "malaise" — completed the collapse of faith in government and in the future that had defined the post-war decades. For a study of the American Dream this is the era of doubt: the moment when the confident, expanding state of the New Deal and the Great Society gave way to deep and lasting scepticism, and when Americans, for the first time in a generation, began to fear that their children might not live better than they had. The crisis of confidence of the 1970s is the essential background to the conservative revival that answers it in the following lesson.
For this Edexcel breadth study the topic completes the collapse of consensus and drives the role of government thread to its lowest ebb: the "imperial presidency" exposed and checked, and the activist state discredited by both abuse and economic failure. It advances the American people thread through the disillusion of a decade of scandal, defeat and stagnation, and it poses the central evaluative question of these years — how far Watergate and the economic crises of the 1970s destroyed Americans' trust in their government and their Dream. The analytical task is to connect the political crisis of Watergate to the economic crisis of stagflation, and to weigh how far, together, they produced a durable transformation in the American relationship to government and to the future.
By the end of this lesson you will be able to:
This lesson belongs to Edexcel 9HI0 Paper 1, Option 1F (Route F): "In search of the American Dream: the USA, c1917-96" — a breadth study assessed by extended analytical essays and by the evaluation of historians' interpretations. Within our own teaching sequence it completes the collapse of consensus that began with the protest era (Lesson 7), driving the trajectory of federal power examined since the New Deal (Lesson 2) to a crisis of legitimacy, and setting up directly the conservative revival that answered the disorder and stagnation of the 1970s (Lesson 9).
Because Paper 1 is a breadth paper, examiners reward command of change over time and judgements that range across the period. Keep asking how far the crises of the 1970s transformed the American relationship to government and to the promise of the Dream. (For precise assessment weightings and question wording, always consult the official Edexcel specification and sample assessment materials rather than any paraphrase.)
Richard Nixon won the 1968 election by appealing to the "silent majority" — the Americans, examined in the last lesson, who were weary of protest, riots and social upheaval. His presidency is a study in contradiction: genuine achievement abroad set against a systematic corruption of democratic norms at home.
Nixon's diplomatic record was substantial. Guided by his National Security Adviser and later Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who pursued a realist foreign policy of national interest and the balance of power rather than ideology, Nixon reduced Cold War tensions through detente.
| Achievement | Date | Significance |
|---|---|---|
| Opening to China | February 1972 | Nixon visited Beijing, beginning the normalisation of relations and exploiting the Sino-Soviet split |
| SALT I | May 1972 | The first agreement limiting nuclear weapons, with the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty |
| Moscow summit | May 1972 | The first presidential visit to Moscow; trade agreements signed |
| Vietnamisation | 1969-73 | Withdrawal of US troops (from 536,000 to 24,000) and the Paris Peace Accords of 1973 |
Yet Nixon's exit from Vietnam widened the war before it ended it — the secret bombing of Cambodia (1969-70) and the Cambodian incursion expanded a conflict he claimed to be winding down, and South Vietnam finally fell in April 1975. At home, Nixon's presidency was consumed by the abuse of power. His administration maintained an enemies list of political opponents to be harassed by federal agencies; a secret unit, the "Plumbers", carried out illegal operations including the burglary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist; and his re-election campaign engaged in a systematic programme of sabotage against the Democrats. For the American Dream, Nixon embodied a dangerous paradox: a president of real strategic vision who treated the constitutional limits on his own power with contempt, and whose fall would expose how far the presidency had grown beyond its proper bounds.
The Watergate scandal (1972-74) was the gravest constitutional crisis since the Civil War, and it began with what the White House dismissed as a "third-rate burglary".
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 17 June 1972 | Five men are arrested breaking into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate complex |
| 1972-73 | Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein of the Washington Post trace the burglars' connections to the Nixon White House |
| July 1973 | Alexander Butterfield reveals the existence of a White House taping system |
| 20 October 1973 | The "Saturday Night Massacre" — Nixon has special prosecutor Archibald Cox fired; the Attorney General and his deputy resign rather than comply |
| 24 July 1974 | In United States v. Nixon the Supreme Court rules unanimously that the president must surrender the tapes |
| 5 August 1974 | The "smoking gun" tape (23 June 1972) reveals Nixon personally ordered the CIA to obstruct the FBI investigation — proof of obstruction of justice |
| 9 August 1974 | Nixon resigns; Vice-President Gerald Ford becomes president |
Watergate was never merely a burglary. It exposed a systematic pattern of abuse — the enemies list, the Plumbers, campaign "dirty tricks", and the obstruction of justice directed personally from the Oval Office through the CIA, the FBI and hush money. The historian Stanley Kutler, in The Wars of Watergate (1990), argues that the scandal was not an aberration but the logical culmination of the "imperial presidency" — a term coined by Arthur Schlesinger Jr. for the expansion of executive power beyond its constitutional limits, enabled by the Cold War and the growth of the national-security state since 1941. Nixon's abuses were more extreme than his predecessors', but the institutional framework that enabled them had been building for decades. The system did, in the end, check him: the press, the courts and Congress forced the disclosure of the tapes and the resignation. But the deeper legacy was the collapse of trust. For the American Dream, Watergate confirmed the suspicion that Vietnam had planted — that the government lied, and that power at the summit had escaped accountability. Congress responded by trying to reassert its authority through the War Powers Act (1973) and a strengthened Freedom of Information Act, but no legislation could quickly restore the faith that had been lost.
Gerald Ford became president without ever having been elected to national office — he had been appointed Vice-President in 1973, after Spiro Agnew resigned over corruption, and succeeded to the presidency on Nixon's resignation. Decent and unassuming, Ford sought above all to restore normality, but his defining decision destroyed his authority almost at once. On 8 September 1974 he granted Nixon a full pardon for any offences committed in office. Ford argued that the pardon was necessary to spare the nation the ordeal of prosecuting a former president and to let the country move on; many Americans, however, saw a corrupt bargain — the unelected successor shielding the disgraced patron who had chosen him — and the decision confirmed the very suspicion of elite impunity that Watergate had aroused. For the American Dream, the pardon deepened the crisis of confidence: it suggested that the powerful were not, after all, subject to the same law as ordinary citizens, and it left Ford a diminished figure presiding over a demoralised nation. His presidency was further battered by the fall of Saigon in 1975, which set the seal on the failure of the Vietnam enterprise, and by an economy that refused to recover.
The most corrosive blow to the American Dream in the 1970s was economic, and it struck at the very promise of ever-rising prosperity on which the post-war Dream had rested. Through the 1970s the United States suffered from stagflation — the previously unfamiliar and theoretically troubling combination of economic stagnation and high unemployment with rapid inflation, which the confident economic management of the liberal era had no ready answer for.
| Source of the crisis | Effect |
|---|---|
| The 1973 oil embargo by Arab producers (in response to US support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War) | Quadrupled the price of oil; long queues at petrol stations; the end of the era of cheap energy that had underwritten post-war abundance |
| The 1979 oil shock (following the Iranian Revolution) | A second surge in prices and renewed shortages |
| Persistent inflation | Eroded savings, wages and the value of the dollar; by the end of the decade inflation reached double digits |
| Deindustrialisation | The decline of the manufacturing heartland — the emerging "Rust Belt" — as older industries lost ground, throwing blue-collar workers out of the secure, well-paid jobs that had built the middle-class Dream |
The significance of stagflation for a study of the American Dream can hardly be overstated. The affluent society of the 1950s and the liberal hour of the 1960s had rested on the assumption of steady growth, cheap energy and secure industrial employment — the material basis of the promise that each generation would live better than the last. In the 1970s that assumption broke. The end of cheap oil, the erosion of real wages by inflation, and the decline of the industrial heartland together produced, for the first time since the Depression, a widespread fear that the American Dream of ever-expanding prosperity might be over. The economic crisis compounded the political one: a government that seemed unable to defend the nation's honour abroad or to police its own conduct at home now seemed equally unable to manage the economy, and the reputation of the activist state — the great inheritance of the New Deal and the Great Society — suffered accordingly.
Jimmy Carter, the Democratic governor of Georgia, won the 1976 election in large part by running as an honest outsider against a Washington discredited by Watergate — his very lack of national experience became a virtue in a nation sick of its political class. His presidency, however, was overwhelmed by the crises it inherited. Stagflation worsened; the second oil shock of 1979 brought fresh misery; and abroad, the Iran hostage crisis — in which revolutionaries seized the US embassy in Tehran and held 52 Americans for 444 days from November 1979 — became a nightly symbol of American impotence, its failed rescue mission a humiliation. Carter had genuine achievements, notably the Camp David Accords (1978) brokering peace between Egypt and Israel, but at home he seemed unable to master events.
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